Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty (START)
In May of 1982, President Ronald Reagan gave a speech at his alma mater in which he outlined his plan for national defense. It involved reducing the number of extant nuclear warheads and delivery vehicles (the missiles capable of carrying the warheads). Reagan declared:
"Therefore, our goal is to enhance deterrence and achieve stability through significant reductions in the most destabilizing nuclear systems, ballistic missiles, and especially the giant intercontinental ballistic missiles, while maintaining a nuclear capability sufficient to deter conflict, to underwrite our national security, and to meet our commitment to allies and friends."
The goals outlined in his 1982 speech eventually led to the Strategic Arms Reductions Talks with the Soviet Union. During these talks, Reagan introduced the Strategic Defense Initiative, a move which firmly demonstrated his mission to protect the American people through a strong nuclear arms treaty. This move, however, was unappealing to the Soviets and they eventually pulled out of the negotiations and continued to stockpile nuclear weapons, thus spurring a nuclear arms race between the U.S.S.R. and the U.S. for nearly the remainder of Reagan’s administration.
Reagan’s work was not in vain, however, and in July of 1991, President Bush and President Gorbachev signed the Strategic Arms Reductions Treaty. Popularly known as START I, the arms treaty limited the number of warheads on each side to 6000 and the number of delivery vehicles to 1600. The treaty also placed limitations on the number of attack helicopters, artillery pieces, fighter planes, and tanks.
Several months after the treaty was signed, the Soviet Union officially collapsed, leaving in its stead four, new, independent states: Russia, Belarus, Kazakhstan, and Ukraine. As the Soviet Union’s legal successors, these four countries signed onto the START treaty that the U.S.S.R. had originally signed. This agreement was known as the Lisbon Protocol.
Work continued on U.S.-Russian nuclear arms relations in the following years through a variety of updated treaty attempts. The first of these was START II, a treaty which sought to further reduce “deployed strategic nuclear warheads.” START II was unable to receive Russia’s stamp of approval, however, and work soon began on the Moscow treaty, or SORT. This treaty was signed on May 24, 2002 and solidified START I while further reducing “deployed strategic nuclear warheads to a level of 1700-2200” for each country.
With the expiration of START I looming in December of 2009, President Obama began treaty talks with Russian President Dmitry Medvedev in hopes of implementing a new arms treaty. The two heads of state finally reached an agreement in April of 2010 when they signed New START, a treaty which established a new verification process while limiting deployed warheads to 1550 and deployed delivery vehicles to 700.
Although the official signing process took only minutes to complete, the ratification process took much longer. In the United States, the Senate’s ratification of New START took nine months. The divide over the treaty was largely partisan, and in the end only 13 Republican Senators voted for ratification. The Russian ratification process in the State Duma also took nine months.
Those who supported New START argued that its ratification was necessary to resume in-person verification of Russia's nuclear capabilities and to increase national security by furthering arms reductions. For individuals like President Obama, the New START treaty also helped to further the goal of a nuclear-free world. In light of this ideal, it was asserted that if the Senate failed to ratify New START, the United States would lose international credibility, that U.S.-Russia relationships would deteriorate, and that the U.S. would lose the moral high ground as leverage for furthering non-proliferation goals in the rest of the world.
Those opposed to New START, however, were concerned that the treaty did not cover tactical nuclear weapons (in which Russia is assumed to have as much as a 10:1 advantage) and that the U.S. nuclear abilities needed upgrading in quality if they were to be restricted in number. Others were concerned about Russia's "out clause," a unilateral statement which declares that the treaty "may be effective and viable only in conditions where there is no qualitative or quantitative build-up in the missile defense system capabilities of the United States of America," and that the "extraordinary events" named in Article IV would include any change on the part of the U.S. that would in any way threaten Russia's strategic nuclear forces. In addition to these various legal loopholes, opponents of New START ratification believed that the United States’ example of arms reduction would actually encourage other rogue nations to build up their nuclear stores in hopes of gaining a strategic advantage over the U.S.
Specifically focusing on New START and its predecessors, this topic covers their history, and offers commentary and research on the various nuclear arms agreements between the U.S. and Russia in the last several decades. This topic also examines the pros and cons of nuclear disarmament in a volatile age.
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